The revolutionary generation and its successors loathed the confluence of power and wealth that defined 19th-century London or Paris. … lowly status stemmed, to some extent, from what the historian James Sterling Young has defined as the “anti-power” ethos of early Americans. Paris is the undisputed global face of France just as London is of Great Britain or Tokyo is of Japan. In all these countries (with the exception of Germany, which was divided during the Cold War), publishing, media, the arts and corporate and political power are all concentrated in the same place. In modern times, capital cities such as London, Paris, Moscow, Berlin and Tokyo have not only ruled their countries but have also largely defined them. Digby Baltzell wrote in 1964, elites have dominated and shaped the world’s great cosmopolitan centers – from Athens to Rome to Baghdad – throughout history. … To foreigners, this concentration of power might seem the quintessence of normalcy. From California to the Carolinas, local potentates with no power to print their own money will be forced to kiss Washington’s ring. New York and California, two megastates, face record deficits. Today, once proudly independent – even defiant – states, counties and cities sit on the verge of insolvency. Even the most haughty boyar may have to genuflect to official orthodoxy on everything from social equity to sanctioned science.Īt the same time, the notion of decentralized political power – the linchpin of federalism – is unraveling.
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Soon many other industries, from high-tech to agriculture and energy, will become subject to a Kremlin full of special czars. But already the dukes of Wall Street and Detroit have submitted their papers to Washington for vassalage. This is most obvious in economic affairs, an area in which the nation’s great regions have previously enjoyed significant autonomy. It’s the unprecedented collapse of rival centers of power. But it’s neither Barack Obama’s charm nor his intentions that are driving the centrifocal process that’s concentrating authority in the capital city. As a new president takes over the White House, the United States’ capacity for centralization has arguably never been greater. No longer a jumped-up Canberra or, worse, Sacramento, it seems about to emerge as Pyongyang on the Potomac, the undisputed center of national power and influence. But now, Washington is finally ready for its close-up. “I’ve got to get Jaime back on track,” Cronin said.Washington’s history one part of the American mosaicįor more than two centuries, it has been a wannabe among the great world capitals. Jaime Jaquez Jr., the team’s leading scorer, hasn’t reached double digits in the past three games. Jules Bernard has scored just 11 points in the past four games. Center Jalen Hill is not even with the team (personal reasons). But, clearly, this isn’t the same team that was once 8-0 in the Pac-12.įorward Cody Riley is playing on a bad right ankle. On paper, it looks like a perfect opportunity for UCLA to get back on track after losing two straight and three of its past four. The Huskies are at the bottom of the conference standings at 2-11. It puts the Bruins at 13-5 overall and 9-3 in the Pac-12 ahead of their game against three-win Washington at 4:30 p.m.
It didn’t help that Isaac Bonton, the Cougars’ go-to scorer, torched the Bruins for 26 points.
The Bruins allowed 13 3-pointers – on 22 attempts at 59.1% accuracy – to the Cougars. That’s the one word UCLA coach Mick Cronin used to describe the team’s defensive performance in its 81-73 loss to the Cougars at Beasley Coliseum in Pullman, Washington.
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